Ppt prowse neo patrimonial developmentalism in malawi - 27-04-12 so [compatib...jdhondt
This document provides an overview of the political economy of Malawi from 1964 to 2011 under three different ruling parties. [1] Under Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party from 1964-1994, there was successful development and growth when rents were allocated productively, but this declined over time. [2] Under Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front from 1994-2004, there was limited development despite aid due to lack of strategy and rents being exported. [3] Under Bingu Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party from 2005-2011, food security was achieved but fiscal discipline eroded and attempts to control tobacco rents failed.
Ppt hickey sh antwerp seminar april 2012 presentationjdhondt
The document discusses new thinking on the politics of development beyond mainstream approaches. It summarizes insights from a seminar presentation on Uganda's political economy given by Sam Hickey from the Effective States and Inclusive Development Centre. Some key points:
1) Mainstream approaches focus too much on material incentives and fail to consider the role of ideas and discourse.
2) Uganda has seen shifts toward a more programmatic and less clientelistic political settlement, though patronage persists.
3) Achieving structural economic transformation will require aligning political, policy, and social coalitions behind a new development strategy focused on ideas of modernization and equality, not just incentives.
The document discusses different perspectives on the relationship between state, economy, and society. It argues that governance is not necessarily a precondition for development, as institutions are malleable and reflect socio-economic interests. Development can be a byproduct of these interests pressing for good governance. Alternative views discussed include leadership-driven development, limited access orders focused on peace dividends, and "clientelist" political settlements where distribution of resources maintains power. The document concludes that patrimonialism can be compatible with development, and formal institutions evolve gradually in the interests of the economy within local political contexts.
This paper examines Uganda's shift from a poverty agenda to a new focus on economic growth and structural transformation as outlined in its National Development Plan (NDP). It finds that several factors influenced this change, including declining reliance on traditional donors, the return of multi-party politics, and the discovery of large oil reserves. The NDP process differed significantly from previous Poverty Eradication Action Plans in both content and reduced involvement of donors and civil society. While the NDP aims to move beyond past paradigms, questions remain around its distributional impacts and whether Uganda has the governance capabilities to implement such an ambitious agenda and ensure oil wealth benefits the population. The paper argues the NDP signals a new politics of development in
Ppt nilgun gokgur rwanda’s party statals- april 27 2012jdhondt
The document discusses Rwanda's party-statals and their potential impact on development. It defines party-statals as entities owned by Rwanda's ruling party, government, and military, with unclear ownership structures and lack of transparency. It analyzes three major investment holdings - Crystal Ventures, Horizon Group, and Rwanda Investment Group - and their subsidiaries operating across various economic sectors. While Rwanda has experienced strong economic growth, concerns are raised about the party-statals' efficiency, cross-ownership with state firms, and impact on stakeholders such as domestic competitors and unemployed citizens. The document calls for reforms to increase transparency and separate analysis of state-owned and party-owned entities.
The document discusses economic transformation in Africa compared to Southeast Asia. It makes three key points:
1) While Southeast Asia has seen rapid economic growth and development, Africa's economic growth has not translated to the same level of transformation and poverty reduction.
2) Economic growth in Africa needs to be accompanied by productivity increases, structural economic changes, and skill development - not just more of the same growth.
3) Conventional views of "good governance" and democracy as prerequisites for development are incomplete, as developmental states in Asia transformed without conforming to these models. Rent allocation and political settlements may be more important factors.
This document discusses the relationship between neo-patrimonialism and development in Africa. It questions the orthodox view that neo-patrimonialism necessarily hinders development. It provides examples from Asia, such as Indonesia under Suharto, that achieved rapid growth despite high levels of rent-seeking and corruption. It argues that the organization of clientelism and rent management may be more important for development than the existence of neo-patrimonialism alone. The document proposes exploring different types of patrimonial regimes and their relationship to economic performance in Africa.
1. Many countries that developed did so behind substantial trade protections and subsidies, contradicting the notion that free trade alone leads to growth. Britain and the US both used protectionism to develop industries before opening markets.
2. Trade theory does not guarantee benefits for poor countries and the poor within them. Gains from trade depend on complementary policies and distributional impacts are uncertain. Liberalization has not clearly reduced world poverty.
3. NAFTA negatively impacted small farmers in Chiapas, Mexico who rely on maize. It increased risks, costs, and dependence on cash/imports while undermining traditions and food security. A gender analysis found greater burdens and insecurity for women.
The document summarizes a presentation given at the University of Antwerp on fieldwork conducted in the Rwandan hills. The presentation covered: 1) an overview of Rwanda, 2) fieldwork conducted, 3) local governance structures, 4) Gacaca courts used to address the past, and 5) a specific hill called Ntabona located among 1000 others.
Ppt prowse neo patrimonial developmentalism in malawi - 27-04-12 so [compatib...jdhondt
This document provides an overview of the political economy of Malawi from 1964 to 2011 under three different ruling parties. [1] Under Kamuzu Banda and the Malawi Congress Party from 1964-1994, there was successful development and growth when rents were allocated productively, but this declined over time. [2] Under Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front from 1994-2004, there was limited development despite aid due to lack of strategy and rents being exported. [3] Under Bingu Mutharika's Democratic Progressive Party from 2005-2011, food security was achieved but fiscal discipline eroded and attempts to control tobacco rents failed.
Ppt hickey sh antwerp seminar april 2012 presentationjdhondt
The document discusses new thinking on the politics of development beyond mainstream approaches. It summarizes insights from a seminar presentation on Uganda's political economy given by Sam Hickey from the Effective States and Inclusive Development Centre. Some key points:
1) Mainstream approaches focus too much on material incentives and fail to consider the role of ideas and discourse.
2) Uganda has seen shifts toward a more programmatic and less clientelistic political settlement, though patronage persists.
3) Achieving structural economic transformation will require aligning political, policy, and social coalitions behind a new development strategy focused on ideas of modernization and equality, not just incentives.
The document discusses different perspectives on the relationship between state, economy, and society. It argues that governance is not necessarily a precondition for development, as institutions are malleable and reflect socio-economic interests. Development can be a byproduct of these interests pressing for good governance. Alternative views discussed include leadership-driven development, limited access orders focused on peace dividends, and "clientelist" political settlements where distribution of resources maintains power. The document concludes that patrimonialism can be compatible with development, and formal institutions evolve gradually in the interests of the economy within local political contexts.
This paper examines Uganda's shift from a poverty agenda to a new focus on economic growth and structural transformation as outlined in its National Development Plan (NDP). It finds that several factors influenced this change, including declining reliance on traditional donors, the return of multi-party politics, and the discovery of large oil reserves. The NDP process differed significantly from previous Poverty Eradication Action Plans in both content and reduced involvement of donors and civil society. While the NDP aims to move beyond past paradigms, questions remain around its distributional impacts and whether Uganda has the governance capabilities to implement such an ambitious agenda and ensure oil wealth benefits the population. The paper argues the NDP signals a new politics of development in
Ppt nilgun gokgur rwanda’s party statals- april 27 2012jdhondt
The document discusses Rwanda's party-statals and their potential impact on development. It defines party-statals as entities owned by Rwanda's ruling party, government, and military, with unclear ownership structures and lack of transparency. It analyzes three major investment holdings - Crystal Ventures, Horizon Group, and Rwanda Investment Group - and their subsidiaries operating across various economic sectors. While Rwanda has experienced strong economic growth, concerns are raised about the party-statals' efficiency, cross-ownership with state firms, and impact on stakeholders such as domestic competitors and unemployed citizens. The document calls for reforms to increase transparency and separate analysis of state-owned and party-owned entities.
The document discusses economic transformation in Africa compared to Southeast Asia. It makes three key points:
1) While Southeast Asia has seen rapid economic growth and development, Africa's economic growth has not translated to the same level of transformation and poverty reduction.
2) Economic growth in Africa needs to be accompanied by productivity increases, structural economic changes, and skill development - not just more of the same growth.
3) Conventional views of "good governance" and democracy as prerequisites for development are incomplete, as developmental states in Asia transformed without conforming to these models. Rent allocation and political settlements may be more important factors.
This document discusses the relationship between neo-patrimonialism and development in Africa. It questions the orthodox view that neo-patrimonialism necessarily hinders development. It provides examples from Asia, such as Indonesia under Suharto, that achieved rapid growth despite high levels of rent-seeking and corruption. It argues that the organization of clientelism and rent management may be more important for development than the existence of neo-patrimonialism alone. The document proposes exploring different types of patrimonial regimes and their relationship to economic performance in Africa.
1. Many countries that developed did so behind substantial trade protections and subsidies, contradicting the notion that free trade alone leads to growth. Britain and the US both used protectionism to develop industries before opening markets.
2. Trade theory does not guarantee benefits for poor countries and the poor within them. Gains from trade depend on complementary policies and distributional impacts are uncertain. Liberalization has not clearly reduced world poverty.
3. NAFTA negatively impacted small farmers in Chiapas, Mexico who rely on maize. It increased risks, costs, and dependence on cash/imports while undermining traditions and food security. A gender analysis found greater burdens and insecurity for women.
The document summarizes a presentation given at the University of Antwerp on fieldwork conducted in the Rwandan hills. The presentation covered: 1) an overview of Rwanda, 2) fieldwork conducted, 3) local governance structures, 4) Gacaca courts used to address the past, and 5) a specific hill called Ntabona located among 1000 others.
1. Leidt microkrediet tot empowerment van vrouwen? Lessen uit impactevaluaties Nathalie Holvoet 4x4 Ontwikkelingssamenwerking 25 februari 2010
2. 25 februari 2010 • slide n° Nobelprijs Vrede voor bankier van de armen Muhammad Yunus en zijn Grameen Bank uit Bangladesh hebben dit jaar de Nobelprijs voor de vrede gewonnen. Ze krijgen de prijs voor de microkredieten die ze verstrekken aan arme mensen. Volgens de voorzitter van het Noorse Nobelcomité Ole Danbolt Mjoes, leveren ze hierdoor een belangrijke bijdrage aan armoedebestrijding en de ontwikkeling van democratie in ontwikkelingslanden. Vooral vrouwen die vaak een ondergeschikte positie in de samenleving innemen en moeite hebben ondersteuning te krijgen voor hun activiteiten, profiteren van de kleine, door Yunus en zijn bank verstrekte kredieten (GvA, 11/10/2006) « microkrediet helpt armen niet » (NRC Handelsblad, 24/10/2006) « microkrediet: ooit middel tot armoedebestrijding, nu big business » (DS, 26/10/2006) « impact van microkrediet nauwelijks bestudeerd »(DS, 31/10/2009)
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12. Begrip ‘impact’: voorbeeld (2) 25 februari 2010 • slide n° E 2 - E 1 = bruto-impact (E 2 – E 1 ) – (C 2 - C 1 )= (netto) impact (1) (eenvoudig) (E 2 – E 1 )/E 1 – (C 2 - C 1 )/C 1 = (netto) impact (2) (proportioneel) als E 1 = C 1 dan E 2 – C 2 (experiment) ‘ interventie’ groep ‘ controle’ groep Voor interventie E 1 C 1 Na interventie E 2 C 2